Chiedza Vol 13 No 2 (In) Dependence

Abstract

The year 2010 remains import.ant in the annals of African history as at least seventeen African countries marked their 50 years of independence. We cannot afford to celebrate African independence without acknowledging our great indebtedness to African National lists who fought tirelessly against subjugation, domination and exploitation of Africans by foreign powers. Preeminent among them were: Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Leopold Senghor, Kenneth KaWida, Jomo Kenyatta, to mention only the most obvious. As we take stock of the progress Africa has made in 50 years, a number of questions come to mind. What do we mean by true independence? ls it justified to celebrate independence when Africa is still wallowing in the miasma of neocolonialism? Can we speak of independence when a number of African countries are being led by despotic leaders who are impervious to the basic tenets of democracy? Arc Africans comfortable in celebrating their golden jubilee anniversary of independence when some African states are dysfunctional? In 1960, S. Herbert Frankel wrote a highly influential article in the journal International Affairs. It was entitled "Economic Aspects of Political Independence in Africa". Frankel was astonished at how little attention was given to economic woes which the new 'independent states' would have to grapple ·with. He posits the dichotomies involved in independence: on the one band, he claims that facts are provided to demonstrate that political independence is likely to prove detrimental to many African economies. On the other hand, he argues that for a few countries political independence will usher in a new era of economic well.being. 50 years down the line one can evaluate Africa in the light of Frankel's two strands hypotheses. While many Africans at the advent of independence had big dreams of Africa becoming an economic powerhouse that would eventually raise their living standards and soon begin to have an impact on economies all over the world, it is amazing to see how this dream soon faded as the so called independent states advance in years. Perhaps the term 'dependent independence' is apt to describe the state of Africa today. Many countries are struggling to come out of their economic misery and chaos. But often this is through having recourse to Western countries and foreign-based financial institutions, such as the Th1F and the World Bank. In the 1980s in particular for African countries to secure aid, they had to espouse structural adjustment programs, which usually proved deleterious to their economies. A number of African countries are! yet to reap the political fruits of independence from colonial rule as they look forward to a second liberation from their tyrarnical leaders who have denied the populace any significant participation in the way in which they arc governed. There has been a spirit of intolerance among different ethnic groups and religions resulting in ethnic and religious conflicts respectively. These conflicts examplify why Africa has been labeled as offering little more than models of dysfunctional government. However, despite the quandaries that Africa has witnessed in the past 50 years, there is some hope in recent developments, thanks to the efforts that are being made by some African states in the recent past. This move is a living testimony that Africa has learnt a great lesson from its past mistakes. A good case in point is the ongoing trial of the former Liberia president, Charles Taylor, and former vice president of DRC, Jean-Pierre Bemba, by the International Criminal Court in The Hague. There have been new initiatives, such as economic and trade blocks which include the East African Community (EAC), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMIESA), and Southern African Development Community (SADC). All these initiatives have boosted trade and peace in Africa. While the New Economic Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) emphasis on good governance still remains a far-off vision for the whole continent, some countries, for instance, Ghana are showing the direction towards democracy. In this issue of Chiedza, our contributors offer a series of profound reflection on the state of Africa after 50 years of independence. A good constitution is a prerequisite of good governance. Odomaro Mubangizi, alluding to this fact, argues that the substantive nature of Africa's independence can be evaluated by looking at the constitution. It is the absence of democratic constitutions, Odomaro continues, that is a major cause of violence in most of the African states. Arguing that Zimbabwe's direst need to achieve transitional justice so as to address the violation of human rights, Raymond Ngaiza looks to the creation of a democratic constitution as fundamental to the protection of human rights. Responding to the many injustices that have grown roots in Africa, John Sanni employs John Rawls' concepts of the Original Position and the Veil of Ignorance as a possible means of resolving injustice in Africa particularly in Nigeria. Thinking on similar lines, Patrice Ndayisenga examines the applicability of Rawls' civil disobedience to bring about justice throughout Africa. The malaise of Africa has been attributed to the inheritance of constitutional arrangements that buttressed the privileges of privileged elite in post-colonial Africa. Reginald Tiesaah argues succinctly that, the problem of accountability in Africa can be partly linked to the colonialism and its structures which were aimed at attenuating traditional institutions. Arguing from a very different perspective Anold Moyo in his exploration ,of the theory of nominative instability as one of the approaches in diagnosing Africa's current quandary blames the latter on the failure of Africa to embrace fully European institutions and values which have become normative in most parts of the world. Taking a robust stance against attributing the Africa's predicament, especially poverty, to external factors, Olivier Scmpiga is in favour of establishing good economic policies which in the end are the responsibility of the various governments themselves. Some of the contributors argue that African unity holds the key to the realization of meaningful development. It is against this background that Thomas Mboya submits that Africa with its immense wealth - minerals and natural resources - stands a chance of becoming an economic powerhouse, an enterprise which can be achieved in part through African unity. Economic interdependence through economic and trade blocks, according to Peter Henriot, is more feasible than political interdependence. Festo Mkenda analyses Africa's independence from a different vantage point. He holds that the attainment of independence renewed African vitality and that the foundation of Africa's independence is a necessary condition for human development. However, the sustenance of this foundation is threatened by identity politics. In the same vein, Tito Eliseu argues in favour of the communitarian ethic ofNyerere's Ujamma as a model of the solution to the many problems that Africa is grappling with. Also included in this issue is Marcel Uwineza's article "Beyond Cosmetics to Meaning: Challenges and Perspectives for lnculturation". He excavates into history to show how inculturation has been the kernel of the Church yet it has not developed roots that have penetrated the hearts of the Catholic faithful in Africa. In view of this, he prescribes different forms inculturation should take to transform people's life in Africa. The judge's report and the Arrupe Art Appreciation competitions' award-winning essay are also included in this issue. We express our heartfelt gratitude to all our contributors and all those who committed their energy and time without whom this issue would not have been published. We wish you a prosperous 2011 full of joy and God's blessings.
Thank you. Michael Ochien'g Otieno, S.J.