The theme of this issue of Chiedza is ’Popular Sovereignty in Contemporary Africa’. The Editorial Board of Chiedza invited articles that reflect on and examine the people’s collective power to decide who governs them and how that governance is exercised. As we observed in the call for articles for this issue, in most contemporary African states, some constitutional mechanism is put in place which enables the citizens to select their leaders who in turn should make policies which correspond to what the people who put them into executive and legislative offices want. The constitution also details the mechanism which allows citizens to dissolve or dismiss the government when it does not fulfil or deliver what they anticipated. If such mechanisms function then the citizens in a particular state can be said to be sovereign. This theme is thought-provocative, because it brings to our attention, the need to investigate philosophically, research and discuss contentious issues like representative democracy, the traditional origins of popular sovereignty, how our social institutions like education foster and enhance democratic principles, participatory democracy and the practicality of popular sovereignty in contemporary Africa. This theme also compels us to realize the structures necessary for the realization and actualization of popular sovereignty in Africa. Most articles in this issue, however, dwelt principally on issues like representative democracy and its practicality in African States, the quest for genuine freedom from imperialism. They also address the issue of freedom from various compulsive socio-economic and political conditionalities and ideologies which are imported to Africa from the West. These imported ideologies threaten human autonomy in Africa and thus, affect popular sovereignty (democracy) in Africa.

Marvellous Tawanda Murungu takes us through a philosophical appraisal of Aquinas’ traditional concept of popular sovereignty which is enshrined and founded on his notion of the intrinsic common good. The author also evaluates the relevance of Aquinas’ traditional notion of the intrinsic common good in contemporary Africa. The author establishes that Aquinas’ traditional concept of popular sovereignty enshrined in his notion of the intrinsic common good is too ideal, demanding and difficult to attain in contemporary Africa. He alludes to the ambivalent reactions to this concept by various schools of thought.

Christian Ekesiobi investigates the question of whether popular sovereignty is a myth or a necessary route as well as its practicability in contemporary Africa. The author notes that the classical concept of popular sovereignty is not practical in contemporary Africa. He thus proposes representative democracy as a feasible way of practicing popular sovereignty in Africa which he postulates has a greater probability of yielding the socio-economic and political development which most Africa states so desire. In order to ensure full participation and engagement of all citizens, the author proposes that the people need to view life as existentially meaningful as postulated by Victor Frankl. He then employs the ‘Capability Approach to wellbeing’ in order to buttress his proposition. He finally advocates that if Africa is to succeed in its quest for socio-economic and political sustainability, it should renew its understanding and engagement of democracy.

Augustin Koffi then expounds that democracy is not only a political regime but also a political ideal of which the key element is to give voice to the people. Popular sovereignty is, therefore, at the heart of democracy as a political system. Though each country in Sub-Saharan Africa is unique and sovereign, each has adopted democracy as their current system of governance. Democracy has its requirements but its practical implementation in some sub-Saharan countries faces many deviations. Despite the various deviations from the ideal of democracy in Africa, it must be recognized that African peoples try to play their role in controlling public action through the use of social networks.

Christian Mukadi analyzes the question of sovereignty in the context of DR Congo. He presents the status-quo of the question of popular sovereignty in DR Congo, how people are fighting to reappropriate their rights. He depicts ‘democracy in crisis’. The author argues that one of the fundamental characteristics of democracy is how the people as centers of sovereign power control the governance of their country and maintain balance and checks on their political representatives. To this effect, the author notes that accountability is obligatory for the representatives, and it is also an essential foundation for representative democracy. In most cases, representatives do not consult the people but their hierarchical leaders, when making key decisions pertaining to the state and they in turn dictates what the people should do. The author argues that this is not democracy, but an anocracy.

In his insightful paper, Jean-Luc Mlyanga Lupinda also evaluates the question of popular sovereignty in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The author built his paper on two issues, the first one is the evaluation of the meaning of popular sovereignty and an analysis of whether or not popular sovereignty is present in DRC. The second point is an expose of various movements and ideologies that rise in order to explain what hinders the presence of popular sovereignty in the DRC society. The author appraises these movements that bring new ideologies that put people at the Centre of affairs of the nation. The author reinforces the importance of people getting engaged in the fight for their sovereignty.

Andrew Madume critically examines the role of education to enhance and foster economic development, in promoting participatory democracy in Africa as well as its role in the promotion of socioeconomic and political coherence in Africa. He furthermore contends that the modern Higher Education Institutions in Africa as centers of knowledge, learning, research and innovation have a critical role to play in championing participatory democracy and socio-economic and political development and cohesion.

In his paper, Pierre Nyandwi examines the African struggle for freedom and seeks to establish whether or not it was a failed project. He states that the general atmosphere in Africa is one of frustration and disappointment because having fought against imperialism to gain freedom, it seems most African states are still not free to exercise their power to elect leaders of their choice. Although the African freedom fighters eradicated the colonial rule and brought freedom from imperialism, the author contends that, their successors failed to carry on the cause for freedom. He expounds that their successors failed to foster and enhance democratization of African states and to promote the wellbeing of their citizens. The author also proposes that there is need to reform the African education system and to re-think the notion of democratic government in Africa.

In his well-researched paper Fosu Bonosa Kwadwo bemoans a continent rich in minerals and other natural resources and yet it remains the poorest. He notes that most developed countries prey on Africa for minerals and other raw materials. Paradoxically, post-independent Africa, is renowned as a beneficiary of ‘Foreign Aid’. Foreign Aid is a form of neo-colonialism, and that means Africa is not free nor sovereign to decide their socio-economic and political course. He thus, confirms Nkrumah’s understanding of neo-colonialism and propounds that Foreign Aid infringes and compromises the nation’s sovereignty to freely act the way they want. As a panacea to this disadvantageous and power usurping vice, the author proposes that Africa should promote unity in continental trade, common economic agreements and foreign policies. If Foreign Aid is to be accepted in Africa, he outlines the modalities and conditions under which Africa should accept Foreign Aid, which are anchored on knowledge transfer instead of financial aid.

Tobias Dindi provides a philosophical reflection concerning democracy in contemporary Africa. He also provides a historical discourse which shows how the ideas of social contract, capitalism and transhumanism shaped the society. The core of this paper is that the author argues that most of these ideas, from social contract, capitalism to transhumanism is that it threatens human autonomy. The author furthermore problematizes this issue by stipulating that a threat to human sovereignty is a threat to democracy.

Gift Batsirai Chinyadza gives a philosophical exploration of capital punishment and investigates its moral justification. The author postulates two contrasting schools of thought: the abolitionists and the retentionists. The abolitionists advocate that capital punishment should be abolished whilst the retentionists contends that capital punishment should be retained. The author argues that destroying innocent life by killing innocent people is morally wrong. The author also delves into issues like proportional retributivism and capital attrition. These articles are followed by two book review: The first is Ashley Salima’s review of the book Faith Doing Justice: A Manual for Social Analysis, Catholic Social Teachings and Social Justice by Elias O. Opongo, SJ and Agbonkhianmeghe E. Orobator, SJ. The second one is by Bomki Mathew’s review of Le Superleadership par dépouillement by Fr Wilfrid Okambawa SJ. These book reviews are followed by two Poems; the first one is based on the theme of this Issue, popular sovereignty by Victor Manirakiza and the last one Jeremiah Mood by Orcastro Júnior.

We trust that the academic articles in this edition will provide original commentary on the diverse realities surrounding popular sovereignty. They also unveil the critical discourses which are indispensable if we are to attain the socio-economic and political development and coherence we greatly desire in Africa. Some of these articles also propose solutions to the problems surrounding popular sovereignty. Other articles which do not directly address our theme also bring to our awareness topical issues so that by reflecting on them we can acquire more autonomy over our lives in Africa.

A word of gratitude goes to the Editorial Board of Chiedza, Journal of Arrupe Jesuit University for their invaluable and unswerving support, availability and ardent commitment to the Journal. I remain thankful to Timoteo Portasio (Ass. Editor-in-Chief) for his prompt and forthcoming assistance and generosity; I Salute you. I also want to thank Victor Manirakiza for designing this issue and laud his relentless assistance in reviewing French articles. I remain grateful to the venerable Prof. Anthony Chennells for his wise counsel and guidance as well as his unparalleled intellectual and academic prowess. I also extend my gratitude to the administration of Arrupe Jesuit University, more-especially Dr. Evaristus Ekwueme (Pro-Vice Chancellor Academics), for his continuous support.

Finally, a special thanks goes to our authors. This issue is possible only because our contributors took the time to write on political problems that they have pondered on and shared their conclusions with us. I greatly appreciate your invaluable contributions, patience and cooperation. Thank you so much our beloved authors. God bless Chiedza Journal in its endeavour to light up Africa and beyond.

Ashley Salima, O.Carm

Editor